Christo Prins writes as follows:
Towards the end of his regime General Francisco Franco allowed Juan Carlos (but not his farther) to return from exile back into Spain to resume the position of King of the Spanish nation. After General Franco passed away in 1975 King Juan Carlos appointed a respected, moderate politician, Adolfo Suarez, to form and head an interim government leading to general elections in October 1982.
South Africa's relations with Spain at that stage could be described as normal to good : contacts on the purely political level were limited and consisted mostly of occasional visits by political personalities. There were no impediments to an expanding trade and Spanish institutions regularly received official visitors from South Africa.
Those who made regular visits and held bilateral discussions as well as to improve cooperation on research and development included representatives from agriculture, trade (SAFTO), science, tourism, SABS, SABC, fisheries, shipping (SAFMARINE), etc.. Satour participated in tourism exhibitions (FITUR - the largest in Spain) and South African Airways serviced Madrid as one of its European destinations.
Of notable importance were regular visits by representatives from the Department of Defence (especially military intelligence), Denel and Krygkor. During the time under review King Juan Carlos, although not playing any political role, but often appearing in a military uniform at official occasions, received General "Wessie" van der Westhuizen, Head of Military Intelligence, on a courtesy call in his residential palace on 4 March 1985. At the time there were military students who attended one and two year training courses on an on-going basis with a preponderance of naval officers.
The presentation of credentials was still accompanied with some pomp and glamour : an ornately decorated coach drawn by six huge horses, appropriately harnessed for the occasion with two horse riders in splendid uniforms, one on each side, would leave the Department of Foreign Affairs in mid-town, cross the oldest plain, Plaza Major, carry on along a major street in town to the Royal Palace used for all official occasions where the national anthem was played before entering along an enormous staircase into the palace. The return journey followed the same route.
The motorists and public did not seem to object to the disruption of a usually busy traffic artery but rather seemed to watch with some pride as to what was still officially displayed as a custom of long standing.
South African politicians, including Ministers and Deputy Ministers, visited Spain from time to time but seldom as a main destination.
It was rather a case of passing through Spain when time allowed. Although the Embassy regarded these visits of importance and capitalised on it in order to facilitate closer understanding at a political level, the feeling could not be avoided that the importance of such visits were not to the same extent acknowledged by Head Office.
Fortunately, by building up personal relations with local politicians, visits could fairly easily be arranged and subject matters were duly discussed. Visits by Spanish politicians to South Africa were not frequent and use was made of the Department's programme to invite selected politicians on visits to South Africa.
One of those visiting South Africa, in September 1984, was Manuel Fraga, one of the best known politicians in Spanish politics, at the time the youngest member to be appointed in Franco's cabinet and since October 1982, leader of the opposition Alianza Popular. He also became Governor of the region of Galicia.
After the general elections in October 1982, the Socialist Party (PSOE : Partido Socialisto de Obreros de Espana) came to power for the first time in about four decades. The leader and Prime Minister, Felipe Gonsalez, as well as most of his cabinet members, were in their early forties and for many months were referred to as "estos chicos" (these boys) by the more conservative opposition press.
To their credit is the fact that they dedicated themselves entirely to their new responsibilities and stayed together as a team for quite a number of years before internal dissent became evident.
Within ten days after the Prime Minister was sworn in on 30 October 1982, the Ambassador was called to the Foreign Ministry by the Head of the African Section and presented with a demarche.
It was mainly two pronged : the Spanish Government expressed its objections to the South African Government's racial policies and objected to the arrest and sentencing of political activists and militants. When, in reply, it was pointed out that the Spanish Government, like any other responsible government and in order to protect its citizens and its property, equally took the necessary steps to apprehend and punish ETA militants who were planting explosive devices that killed innocent people indiscriminately, the official became quite agitated.
That terminated the interview. Whereas courtesy calls could be arranged with members of the previous Government, it was rather difficult with members of the new Cabinet. On the one hand it was mostly due to intensely busy schedules but there was certainly a cooling towards South African politicians.
In time courtesy calls were made on the Minister of Defence, Mugica Hertzog, and the Minister of Commerce. Two officials , i.e. the Civilian Governors of the provinces of Madrid and Andalusia refused requests for courtesy calls outright. There was, however, no sign of limitations to visits by those categories mentioned above and these visits continued as before.
The new Foreign Minister, Fernando Moran, was an outspoken, hard-line socialist who revelled in publishing articles expressing his thoughts on socialism. It could have been expected that he would take an anti-South African stance partly because of his political orientation but also because, it was rumoured, he joined the Foreign Service as a young man and had his first posting as a junior official in the Spanish Consulate in Cape Town.
While there, he was outspoken against his host government's internal policies and wrote articles expressing his feelings about it. The Spanish Government was reportedly requested to transfer him elsewhere. But as Minister of Foreign Affairs he did not openly display any such negative sentiments (the Spanish voting pattern at the UN did become more anti-South African) and received Minister R F Botha, whilst in transit, on a courtesy call in his office on 26 November 1983, a Saturday morning, at the same time extending all the normal diplomatic courtesies.
The new Head of Africa Section, Manuel Sassot, was a seasoned diplomat of moderate views, preferring to negotiate through direct bilateral discussions any matter that needed special attention. This approach made regular meetings possible during which he was appraised of political developments in South Africa as well as the expanding contacts that we were developing with African states.
Spain's involvement with Africa consisted of the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla (constitutionally part of Spain), partly the Canary Islands (which Spain does not recognise as part of Africa at all), erstwhile Spanish involvement in Spanish Sahara and as a colonial authority in Equatorial Guinea, at that time one of the poorest of African countries and with whom relations were generally strained, mostly because political opponents and militants settled in Spain and who Spain consistently refused to extradite.
Towards the end of 1985 during one of the regular meetings with the Head of Africa Section, he took time out to explain that Spain was coming under increasing pressure from the UN, from EU countries, as well as others, that it should terminate our Military Attaché's appointment.
In contrast to what would have been the normal procedure, i.e. to indicate that by a certain date such representation is to be terminated, he explained that they will find themselves more and more in a difficult position if they did not take any steps regarding the Military Attaché, and requested that we consider terminating such representation.
In the ensuing discussion it was enquired what their view would be if we were to withdraw the Military Attaché as requested, and appoint a Counsellor (from the Department of Defence) on our diplomatic staff to attend to issues of military importance on a bilateral basis.
His immediate reaction was that they would have no objection to such a move on the understanding that the Military Attaché first had to depart, that the Counsellor to be appointed was not to appear in military uniform, and that he would not be invited to functions/occasions of a military nature. The Counsellor would otherwise be able to make contact with the Department of Defence and other military institutions and liaise as normal with the various contacts of importance.
Upon enquiry he confirmed that the training programmes for military students would not be affected by this decision and could continue. After the lapse of some weeks, such a Counsellor was appointed and continued with general liaison work.
The ANC had no representative in Spain and may have covered it from its London office. There were consequently no noticeable activities except for one small demonstration once in the street across from the Embassy that involved no more than five or six persons with some placards who left after about an hour.
It hardly attracted any attention. Press articles critical of the South African Government's policies in the liberal press were generally supportive of the ANC. It was, however, not averse to publishing contributions pointing out the violence and destruction caused by some ANC militants.
The slight cooling in political relations offered the opportunity to concentrate more specifically on issues of trade as well as to increase contacts in other disciplines. One of the largest trade shows in Europe was the show held annually in Barcelona.
The Department of Trade and Industries agreed to an Embassy proposal and made limited funds available to enable South African companies to participate in the show, initially on a bi-annual basis.
The results of the first participation was so successful that approval was granted for annual participation. Successful participation by South African companies in the bi-annual machine tool exhibition in Bilbao was also supported by the Department of Trade and Industries.
South African tourism companies regularly exhibited in the annual tourism show, Fitur, one of the largest in Europe. Very good relations were developed with the Chamber of Commerce in Madrid whose President, Adrian Piera, paid an extensive visit to South Africa.
A Spanish businessman, Tomas Sarobe, who lived in South Africa for many years and played a major role in the supply from Europe of skilled technicians for the Fish River project, after his return to
Spain, formed and headed a Spanish/South African Chamber of Commerce in June 1982 and funded it initially totally himself with the Department of Trade and Industries later contributing limited financial assistance.
Spain consists of sixteen autonomous regions, a number of whom have longstanding trade and tourism links with South Africa. In order to promote and develop these relations further, regular visits were paid to Barcelona (Catalonia), Bilbao (the Basque area), Valencia (Valencia), El Ferrol (Galicia), Oviedo (Asturias), Seville (Andalusia) and Gran Canarias (Canary Islands).
On each of these visits courtesy calls were paid on the Civilian Governors, the Military Governors, Chambers of Commerce and a variety of business companies having trade links with South Africa.
Those who seem to have mostly appreciated these visits were the Military Governors where, without exception, the visitor, upon arrival, was officially welcomed with a military guard of honour.
Barcelona is Spain's largest and busiest harbour through which by far the largest percentage of trade with South Africa was handled.
The Civilian Governor, Jordi Pujol, was a fiery Catalonian nationalist who made an issue of the rights and protection of minority groups, especially issues regarding language.
No wonder that the Catalonian language is the predominant language in the region's schools and was actively promoted in official matters as well as in the media. Every year the Catalonians celebrate a national day called the "Diada". It has all the trappings of an independence day.
During the first courtesy call on the Governor he enquired about the position of minority groups in South Africa and listened with intense interest about the events leading up to, during and after the Anglo Boer War.
He seriously enquired about the possibility of the South African Government appointing a consular official to be stationed in Barcelona and could not be bothered about such an official having to be accredited through the Foreign Ministry in Madrid.
At the time the South African Airways representative in Barcelona was also our Honorary Consul which offered the excuse that the volume of work attached to the existing Honorary Consul's office could not justify the presence of two officials in one city. This did not deter him from enquiring about the same issue during a later visit.
The first visit to the Basque Area coincided with the appointment and inauguration of an Honorary Consul, Carlos Lerchundi, a businessman in Bilbao who was involved both in imports from and exports to South Africa.
Apart from the importance of machine tools there were considerable exports of white goods to South Africa. Articles in the fishing trade were also exported. Visits to the Basque Area were combined with visits to the neighbouring region of Rioja (Capital : Vitoria) one of the best known wine producing areas in Spain and from where wines were exported to South Africa.
Valencia is best known for the production and export of oranges but also for some of the best furniture factories to be found. Its best known export product is perhaps the finely decorated figures in porcelain of the highest quality, known as "Lladro".
The Galicians have for generations been known for their fishing activities which extended their operations on the high seas all over the world. Some fishing companies for many years had large investments in South African fishing companies and have been undertaking the training of our fishermen.
Together with Israel, Taiwan and Japan, Spain was one of the very few countries who had fishing agreements to catch in South African waters. The ship-building industry is of the
greatest importance and gained a number of contracts to build fishing vessels for South African companies.
Asturias is best known for its production of cider but also as a fruit growing area. One of the two large ports for the importation of South African coal is situated next to its harbour town of Gijon, the other one being in the south in the region of Almeria, with its port in the Mediterranean Sea.
In Asturias there happens to be one of the rivers, Silla, that attracted the best canoeists all over the world during August each year. When South African entrants were no longer allowed to participate as a team representing their country the Spanish authorities allowed them to participate as individuals, with the surprise results of South African canoeists generally winning or ending within the first three crossing the line.
Andalusia in the south of Spain is one of the largest regions with a very varied agriculture of which sherry and port production, olives, dried fruit, cattle, horses and tourism are perhaps the most important.
The influence of the Moor conquerors centuries before is still evident in its historic cities of Seville, Cordoba and Granada. The beaches of Andalusia attract millions of visitors annually.
The importance of the Canary Islands lies in the fact that it is on the shipping route between South Africa and Europe and thus benefited by directly importing from us. Production of whatever kind is very limited and with the millions of visitors arriving all year round (because of a very stable and temperate climate) importation of a wide variety of products is absolutely essential to keep its tourism going.
A businessman of German origin living in Gran Canarias, Anton Paulkner, had extensive business dealings with South African and was our Honorary Consul for many years. When he passed away, his deputy, Gunther Vendt, carried on with the trade business and was appointed the new Honorary Consul.
One of the most important events during the period under review was Spain's accession to the European Community. The signing ceremony took place on 12 June 1985 in the Palacio Real, the Royal palace where all important state events took place.
The importance and solemnity of this event was appropriately displayed by the absolute pomp and splendour of the surroundings, the attendance by the highest ranking politicians and functionaries as well as the attendance of the diplomatic corps.
It is possible that at the time it was not realised to what extent Spain would benefit materially by this step but perhaps also not to what extent Spain would become a "promised land" for the continuous influx of thousands and thousands of illegal immigrants, mostly from Africa, but also from elsewhere.
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