By Andre Stemmet
Meintjeskop
Ditaba, No 1/1998
It was all slightly unreal. We were
relaxing and drinking beer in a guest house that used to be the exclusive hangout
of Saddam Hussein's senior army officers in the town of Salahdin, when we heard
gunshots, occasionally backed up by the sound of mortars. The guest house,
perched on a hill overlooking the great Mesopotamian plain, gave us a grandstand
view of a breakdown the cease-fire between the two rival Kurdish groups that
were then, and are still today, controlling North Iraq.
Beer in hand we, that is myself, a
colleague from the British Embassy in Ankara and a British Army Intelligence
officer, were watching the exchange of fire. tracer bullets were illuminating
the night and soon the fields were on fire. It appeared that no casualties were
sustained, and fighting died down after a quarter of an hour. However, the
feeling that one was watching a movie or a fireworks display, rather than shots
fired in anger, remained. The reality of a low-scale civil war only dawned
again the next day.
A senior official of the Kurdish Democratic
Party (KDP) whose guests we were, then invited us to dinner, a lavish affair in
the fashion of Middle Eastern hospitality. Over dinner, lamb stew washed down
with Efese Pilsen (a Turkish beer which found its way to Salahdin despite
United Nations sanctions - the Iraqi Islamists are clearly not influential in
the KDP), we discussed the situation in Iraq.
After the allied forces invaded in 1991 in
retribution for the invasion by that country of Kuwait, the Kurds who are
predominant in Northern Iraq rebelled against Saddam Hussein's regime.
While this move was tacitly supported by
the West as a way in which Saddam Hussein's authority could be undermined a
counter- attack on the north by Saddam's forces and a flight of thousands of
displaced Kurds to Turkey generated public opinion to such an extent that the US,
UK and France had to take action. Operation Provide Comfort was announced - an
air umbrella by a multi-national air component stationed in southern Turkey
would protect the enclave against Saddam's forces by enforcing a no-fly zone over
Northern Iraq. These Western powers also decided to implement a democratic structure
of government in the enclave, to be an example for the whole of Iraq to follow
after the hoped-for downfall of predominantly KDP and its main rival, the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), took their seats in a parliament building
in Erbil.
The Kurds always had a separate identity fro
the other peoples of the Middle East. They trace their roots back to the Medes
of Biblical times and Kurdish is a language quite distinct from Arabic, rooted
in the Indo-European languages. While strong Kurdish states existed in the
Middle Ages, the Kurds live today in the mountainous areas of Turkey, Iran,
Iraq and Syria. In Iraq, the KDP and PUK, based in the mountains of the North,
have since the sixties waged an insurgency war against the government in Baghdad.
However, the two sides are being led and supported by different Kurdish tribes.
Tribal and leadership differences frequently led to clashes between the two
sides.
This history of conflict between the KDP
and PUK and an oversupply of arms ended the democratic experiment in Northern
Iraq before if properly began. The KDP and PUK fell out over mainly the control
of border posts with Turkey and Syria (as trade with Iraq, including the
northern enclave, had been prohibited by United Nations sanctions, (read
smuggling posts) Money was thicker than blood. A civil war between the two
groups broke out, the PUK chased the KDP out of Erbil, and the division of Iraq
was followed by that of Northern Iraq, the KDP controlling the northern and the
PUK the southern part. The KDP made its headquarters in Salahdin, a nice
hillside town with a view of the Mesopotamian Plain and Erbil, the PUK capital.
During dinner a senior KDP official
explained that the fight we just witnessed, was in contravention of a
cease-fire agreement between the two sides, not achieved by Western peace
brokering and diplomacy, but by pragmatism, it was harvest time and fighting
interfered with the gathering of the harvest. The people must eat and winter in
the mountains is long and cold.
Despite the official cease-fire, broad
daylight the next day revealed that everyone was on a war footing. Salahdin swarmed
with KDP pershmergas (fighters) in traditional Kurdi.sh garb (headdress and
wide pants}, men with large moustaches and dark eyes, with bandoleers across
their bodies and armed with AK( rifles and hand grenades, a generation of
people who grew up in the mountains, always fighting the Baghdad government and
sometimes, like now, their own people.
While the soldier" were looking
fighting fit,
the civilian population was the worse for
wear.
Hospitah, once well stocked with the be3t
medical supplies petro-dollars could buy,
were
now in a dismal condition. The3e showpieces
of Japanese engineering were falling apart;
the
medical equipment standing idle due to a
lack
of spare parts. The manager of a hospital
complained that 0.""orthern Iraq
was suffering
from a double boycott, the C0: sanctions
against Iraq and Bagdad's O~TI sar;dions
against the :\ orth. Human suffering looked
me in the eye, but thi" time not from
qui.:k
Cl\K report or the pages of Newsweek.
FortWlately some good Samaritaniam were
trying to help, two of whom, Julian and
penny
Solomon, hail from Cape Town. Julian and
Perry worked for a non-governmental
organisation involved in the provision of
hOU3ing and health care, based in Erbili.
They came to fetch me in Salahdin and took
me across the "border" into PUK
land. The
"border POBt" can rather be
described as a
machine gWl post, a heavy calibre was
poking
menacingly from behind sandbags. A shot up
Land Rover at the side of the road was
silent
witness to the fact that, as elsewhere in
the
world, one should preferably be nice to
border
official:;.
Erbil is said to be to be the place of
longest
continued human habitation, 9000 years. (I
have heard the same claim in Jericho).
Today
it is a typical arid, dusty Middle Ea.3tern
city.
The region's troubles did not dampen the
Middle eastern entrepreneurial spirit - in
the
bazaar I was offered coffee and Kurdish
kilims,
the coffee for free and the kilim.s at
irresistible
pnces.
It is aLa a city carrying the scars of war.
The
Parliament building was badly shot up
during
the KDP-PUK cla3hes. Everywhere on the
streets were wrecked vehicles and
pershmergas
- the PUK variety being indistingui3hable
in
appearance from their KDP counterparts up
in the hills.
That night we had dinner at the home of a
;\lini3ter of the PUK administration. ~lore
and plenty meat (I was starting to miss my
pasta diet). The Minister, urbane and
dressed
in a dark suit, arrived in a Mercedes, but
nunour had it that he was the owner of the
only a=oured var in 0.""orthern
Iraq
("liberated" from Saddam's
forces) and enjoyed
nothing more than jumping out of the suit
and Mercedes and into a pershmerga tmifo=
and the a=oured car in order to take the
fight to the enemy.
Our dinner discussion centred around the
peaceful election and transfer of power in
South Africa a few months before, and the
example it sets [or the world.
The next day it wail time for the long
journey
back through the mountains to the Turkish
border, in a Toyota Landcruiser
("liberated"
from Kuwait), escorted by two more
Landcruisers and armed pershmergas for
securitv reasons,
Reflecting on the experiences of the
previous
days, I realised that fighting was in these
men's blCXJd. T riballoyalties run deepe~
than
any other consideration. War and conflict,
together with the human suffering, have
become part of everyday life. The war in
~orthern Iraq Was just another conflict in
this
region that is prone to instability.
The situation on the ground was light years
away from the sanitised reports in the
Turkish
Daily );ews that I could read in the comfort
of
my office in Ankara, and from the news
conferences by visiting US
Under-secretaries
of '5 tate for ~ ear Eastern Affairs in the
Ankara Hilton. Conflicts in the Middle East
appear to' have their own logic, a logic
that
cannot easily be reduced into boxes and
files,
and political reports for the Desk.
I realised that we diplomats, trying to
understand the Middle East are probably
more
often that not just scratching the surface
in
our efforts to make sense of events in that
fascinating region. How lucky we in Foreign
Affairs are to be able to get the
opportunity
tCXJ, if then only scratch the surface, of
a part
of the world that is as old as time itself.
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