Union Buildings

Union Buildings

Wednesday, 29 March 2017

A remarkable man (Part 3)

By Herbert Beukes
Africa is dying
“Africa fatigue” is a phrase often heard when appeals to donor nations for poverty alleviation go unanswered. There are reasons for the reluctance. The frequency of the appeals and over-stretched donor states are valid excuses, but poor administration and management of resources, and profligate spending by corrupt leaders long shielded by “political correctness”, have certainly contributed to the fatigue. The condition is not a new one. During South Africa’s isolation years, Pik Botha never tired of reminding the world of this state of affairs and warned that the generosity of Western nations would turn into fatigue. It was his way of telling African leaders to clean up their administrations and start looking after the needs of their own people.

As staff members we used to enjoy good natured banter about his “Africa is dying” stump speech. It derived from a letter I had drafted for him to the then chairman of the Organisation for African Unity. Politics aside, as far back as the late seventies, Pik Botha had warned in those speeches of the unfolding tragedy of unsafe drinking water, broken roads, neglect of hospitals and schools, poor financial control, waste of agricultural resources, etc. In those years, when political correctness dominated the discourse and muted critics’ voices, his views were summarily dismissed as racial bigotry, apartheid’s voice. It did not deter him then and, ironically, today it has become almost vogue to hear similar language about Africa’s misery at economic development summits of the industrialised nations.
Seeking out company
Nurture your mind with great thoughts.  Benjamin Disraeli

When you listen to someone spontaneously referring to persons of standing, you get an idea of what it is about such people that attracts the attention and stimulates the interest of others. It is also a means of gaining insight into the worth and respect that the speaker attaches to such people. You can assess their ranking in his estimation by how often their wisdom inspires his own opinions. With this as a guide, there were some names that rated highly in Pik Botha’s estimation, among them Henry Kissinger, Franz Josef Strauss, Brent Scowcroft, Jacques Soustelle, Carl Sagan and later, Richard Hawking.

The characteristic that all these people shared was their intellect. When you are in the company of a great mind, you listen. If you must talk, you ask a question in the hope that you might learn something new from the answer. This was central to Pik Botha’s relationships with people like Kissinger and Strauss. He often set time aside for meetings with Kissinger, Strauss and Soustelle in order to learn the latest of their thinking on issues that troubled the world. He realised that these people were continually exposed to many other great thinkers in their disciplines, so when he met up with them again he would benefit from their latest insights.

Developing personal friendships with such strategic thinkers enabled Mr Botha, for instance, to gain an understanding of what was happening in East/West relations and between the former USSR and the East bloc States and in the People’s Republic of China much earlier than his colleagues back home. When a visit to France was being planned, Pik would make sure that an appointment with Jacques Soustelle was included in his schedule of meetings. He was France’s Mr Africa and could provide informed views on the latest African perspectives that would otherwise have been virtually inaccessible to us.

These were the things Pik Botha enjoyed talking about in the office, on the road or in flight. He never seemed to tire of discussing ideas that challenged his mind. His stamina for asking questions on the meaning of events in the larger context of what was happening in the world was inexhaustible. He was driven by a need to know what was not self-evident. Occasionally, his questions were rhetorical, a probing of thought, rather than in expectation of any response. Reduced to their essence, the questions would focus on the meaning of being, of existence and purpose, of life itself. His soliloquies, I learned, were not intended to be disturbed by dialogue.

Then there was his fondness for Roman and Greek myth. He would often draw analogies from situations in classical mythology. Pik Botha had acquired the image of a reformer, as someone who wanted to change the flow and direction of politics in the country. The irony was that his support among the general public was always stronger than his standing in Party structures. He remained surprisingly philosophical about the resistance and criticism from fellow Nationalists and would remind us that he would continue to strive for change even if it did not always achieve much.

He likened his toiling to change the system, to the Greek legend of Sisyphus, condemned to roll a heavy stone up a hill. Whenever he neared the top, the stone rolled down again. The effort would be repeated over and over, so that his labour seemed futile. I later read an interpretation of the myth as personifying politicians aspiring for political office and the quest for power, in itself an "empty thing", being likened to rolling the boulder up the hill. The analogy also proved to be a fairly accurate description of the small group of well-intended reformist politicians who, at the height of National Party control, were up against an obdurate and inflexible system.

At the time of some nasty political upheavals in the National Party, when Mr BJ Vorster was state president, the Sunday Times carried a front page report with Mr Vorster’s face depicted as Olympus showing cracks all over. This brought to a head a period of unflattering political revelations, recriminations and personal tension between president and prime minister. The report caused consternation and a lot of unhappiness among supporters in the respective camps. In Greek mythology, it was at Olympus that king Zeus had held court where, according to Homer, the whole sky belonged to Zeus alone and no wind could ever shake the untroubled peace. That formerly impregnable bastion, the National Party, was now showing signs of serious breakup, with the peace badly shaken and the political sky no longer the Party’s alone.

The report also had unintended consequences. It was known that I enjoyed a relationship of trust with the reporter who wrote it and, I gathered, for that reason I was seen as suitably placed to learn who had been the source for some of the information in the report. My mistake was that I ever tried. I should have known better. It was not my business to want to know how the reporter had got to the information. The momentary uneasiness was moved out of the way by a simple question. She asked whether I would ever entrust her with information in future if, at my insistence, she disclosed her source to the higher-ups? I apologised for even raising the matter. I learnt a lesson that day, to be ever watchful for the seductiveness of power abuse, however presentable and innocuous it may be dressed up. Trust and integrity have no substitute. Period.


It was also the time that Carl Sagan, astrophysicist and cosmologist, was popularising the natural sciences in writings and lectures on a very cerebral subject. What little head knowledge I had of stars and constellations and galaxies had been awakened by Pik Botha’s fascination with the mysteries of the universe. It was a sort of basic adult education for me on a subject that had nestled outside my fields of interest. Pik would read and then tell us about Sagan’s “billions and billions of stars” and about distances of millions and millions of light years and temperatures that defied comprehension. But it was the concept of the black hole that truly captured Pik Botha’s fascination and he delighted in explaining his understanding of some of these mysteries to us. Stephen Hawking was not as established and popular an authority yet as he was later to become but his work in the field of quantum gravity in the context of black holes added so much spice to Pik Botha’s menu.   

Wednesday, 22 March 2017

A remarkable man (Part 2)

By Herbert Beukes
Office philosophy
If we escape punishment for our vices, why should we complain if we are not rewarded for our virtues? John C Collins

He would often remind his staff that they should not expect a hello or goodbye every time they saw him enter or leave the office. In our office relationships, he often explained, we did not have the luxury of being diplomatic with one another. If we were overly sensitive about politeness and “good manners”, we would end up just being nice to each other all day long and not getting through the day’s work. It was his way of saying that staff members should not feel offended if he appeared not to acknowledge a “good morning” at first sight, something that he was known for and seemed to be aware of. It was not a display of a particular mood about anyone or anything.

An illustrative example was the day when Alwyn Schlebusch was at the receiving end of proving Pik’s maxim. On the particular occasion I had accompanied Mr Botha to the Houses of Parliament from his 17th floor office across the street. As we were entering the buildings, I noticed the justice minister approaching. Pik Botha was talking to me and it became clear that either he was not registering in his mind or that he was simply going to ignore his approaching colleague. 

By now I was more focused on the snub to the justice minister than listening to what the foreign minister was telling me. As the two were just about an arm’s length away from each other, Mr Schlebusch hesitated for a moment, expecting Mr Botha to pause for a brief collegial conversation. It happened all the time.

Pik did not so much as look up towards his colleague. And on went Mr Schlebusch. I broke into Pik’s animated monologue to remind him that the minister of justice had actually tried to get his attention as they were crossing. Mr Botha doubled back abruptly and at a lively pace set off after his colleague. He went into Mr Schlebusch’s parliamentary office and spent the next full hour inside! 

Pik Botha developed his own, home-brand mechanism for dealing with political disappointments and setbacks at the hands of both his domineering president and mean and spiteful Party colleagues. Certainly, he had his detractors, though most of the criticism was fuelled by personal considerations. 

He seldom showed himself revengeful against anyone who had wronged him politically. In politics that is a rarity. He was philosophical about unreasonable indignities. He often mused that he had got off scot-free when he had actually deserved punishment, so when he suffered unfairness, or unjust treatment, he simply absorbed it and moved on. On balance, he felt the odds had still favoured him. There was no self-pity in the man’s life!

A truly admirable trait in Pik Botha was his concern for the underdog. It was especially in the early years of his tenure as foreign minister that this sensitivity was revealed. I often remembered his being troubled by the dilemma that political loyalties posed for ethical rightness. One such outcome, where he clearly responded to his conscience, was his support of an unknown black man from the Transkei who was no more than a file name to him. The man’s extradition was sought by the Matanzimas but Pik Botha resisted the claims and also the pressure of his colleague, the justice minister. It was a case of justice winning out over a legality.

Pik’s aversion to arbitrary unfairness also explained his opposition to the  government’s plan to deny a South African passport to the Reverend Beyers Naudé when his lengthy banning order was due to expire. Mr Botha saw it as unduly harsh and counselled against it in cabinet. It was not popular but it was right. A pure hand needs no glove to cover it.

Without a natural constituency in domestic politics for his portfolio, Mr Botha made it his business to make the department of foreign affairs relevant in the public mind. One year the local Cape Town paper, Die Burger, published a large picture on the front page of the foreign ministry’s offices in the Verwoerd building, as seen from the Houses of Parliament. What made the picture newsworthy was that it was taken at night, with the offices brightly illuminated, and it was the night before Christmas. The message was unmistakable: Pik’s staff were still at work after hours on Christmas Eve. He treasured this kind of good press and so he should have. 

Pik had drawn more than a fair proportion of adherents and devotees over the years and decidedly more so during the earlier part of his political career. Even his harshest critics would agree that Pik Botha had been a crowd puller at rallies for his Party. At the risk of over-stating the case, public support for the National Party, especially at election times, showed a strong correlation with his popularity at large. And yet the Party’s office bearers the MP caucuspersistently refused him appropriate recognition.

The typical follower defied profiling. They were youngas young as at primary school; they were elderly tannies who no longer minded disclosing their age; they came from the platteland and from the big cities. He appealed to the sparsely educated as well as to the professionals. He spoke their language at whatever level was appropriate and he did so with an appearance of sincerity and contagious enthusiasm for his belief in what he wanted his country to be. They loved him for it. The flow of personal letters of appreciation and admiration was a steady stream and in quantities any politician would welcome.

Over the years a special bond developed by correspondence between Pik and an elderly tant Hannie of Boksburg on Johannesburg’s East Rand. Without ever meeting him in person, she had become one of Pik Botha’s most loyal admirers. Her letters were proof that Pik’s popularity spanned the age and class divide. It brightened her life just to let him know she was praying for him and was grateful for what he was doing for the country. She would always end the letter with an appropriate Bible verse. Pik insisted that the letters be answered and when he signed a typed letter he would always 

personalise it by adding a note in longhand at the bottom. When she died, Frans Stroebel, Pik Botha’s private secretary attended the funeral. Years after the event he still spoke movingly of the recognition given there of their special relationship and of  Pik Botha’s kind gesture in honouring the relationship by sending his private secretary to represent him at the funeral.

At another tier, Pik Botha enjoyed and inspired loyalty and support from the ranks of the younger generation of National Party members in parliament. No wonder they regarded it as a natural progression for him to present himself as a candidate for the leadership of the National Party, and consequently as a future prime minister of the country at some stage. That he did it so soon after being elevated to the Vorster cabinet was perhaps an early sign of impatience with the glacial progress of politics as opposed to the perceived urgency that was required. Unfortunately it proved a touch overly ambitious and premature for the time.

The interest of admirers and dispassionate observers alike was often displayed in a curiosity about the persona of Pik Botha. What did Pik Botha talk about when he unwired himself from government work? I ran into this question in both the US and in South Africa from people who knew about him but had never met him in person. The reason why they were interested in something as mundane was that he had a different image from the stereotyped Afrikaner politician. 

He was from a new breed of politician and he was charismatic. The little they had seen or heard had triggered their curiosity enough for them to want to know what moved this man’s mind, other than government business.

A friend related an anecdote about a meetinga national prayer breakfast in Lusaka before the 1994 elections, when Pik Botha gave a talk with several leaders from black African states in attendance. The person telling the story was accompanying Mr Thabo Mbeki, who was then still ANC head of international affairs, and two other ranking office bearers in a small private aircraft from South Africa. Mr Botha’s address at the Lusaka meeting was of the stirring kind and at the end of his remarks he had the audience on their feet applauding him.


On the way back to South Africa, they were talking about the day’s events and Pik’s speech, when an Mbeki ally volunteered complimentary remarks about the speech. Mr Mbeki, however, was less than appreciative of it, to the point of being officious and dismissive. A prominent black leader from the ANC’s internal wing, who was later included in Mr Mandela’s cabinet, turned to Mr Mbeki: “Thabo, you may not agree with what Pik said, but you’ve got to admit that the man gave a masterful performance. He was good. The audience, including those African leaders, were eating out of his hand!” That’s what set the man apart from journeyman politicians.

Tuesday, 14 March 2017

A remarkable man (Part 1)


"Error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it". Thomas Jefferson


By Herbert Beukes

It was the mid-sixties and the South African government was defending its mandate over the UN Trust territory of South West Africa at the World Court in The Hague. I was still at university in Stellenbosch and was following reports as the court case made headlines in local newspapers. That was when I became aware of the name Pik Botha for the first time. As a still youthful career official of the department of foreign affairs at that time, Pik Botha was part of the government’s legal team defending its claimed mandate.

In time I joined the department of foreign affairs and was on transfer to San Francisco when Pik Botha again featured in public columns. As an elected member of the ruling National Party by then, he challenged the political status quo early in his political career. Custom dictated that a new member of parliament should steer clear of controversy in his maiden speech. Only nobody told Pik Botha so. 

Most Party loyalists were unable, or unwilling, to recognise that the government’s policy on human rights was flawed, discriminatory and hurtful. The problem was that the race policies could only be sustained by allowing or tolerating the violation of the rights of, particularly, black people. Pik Botha, in an act of virtual apostasy and fully aware of the implications of his words, used his maiden speech to defy Party orthodoxy by making a plea that the government accept the UN Convention on Universal Human Rights.

Not long after raising the political eyebrows in parliament, he stirred up political emotions again when he boldly told the UN General Assembly in 1974 that he could not support a policy of discrimination based on a person’s skin colour. It was a political grenade lobbed at the heart of the government’s race policies. 

Pik Botha immediately became associated with a new hope and reason in his troubled land. It was a marker that he had put down on the South African political landscape and a message to his Party colleagues that if they were unhappy with his public questioning of the political grid-lock, they needed to convince him of the error of his ways.

At the time of these developments I was attached to the embassy in Washington. It was an important voice symbolically that brought a quiet expectation of more of the same courage to come from inside a hitherto unshakeable ruling Party. The next step in Pik Botha’s progression was his appointment as South Africa’s permanent representative (i.e. ambassador) to the United Nations in New York. Soon after taking up his position, the country’s participation in the General Assembly was suspended and he was appointed South African ambassador in Washington while continuing to hold down the now much reduced UN position. Looking at the appointments in retrospect, Mr Vorster’s choice of someone with Pik Botha’s relatively liberal leanings for appointment to those high profile positions was an act that few would have thought the prime minister capable of, considering his own political credentials.
The beginning
It was in Washington that our career paths intersected and that I came to know Pik Botha personally up close. I was doing long hours, often after official closing time, but I was not the only one working after hours in the office. My assignment as a young foreign service official required me to cover Capitol Hill and interacting with officials as varied as legislative assistants, senators and congressmen. Since congressional staff and their activities were not limited to the 8-to-5 routine, I might only get back to the embassy long after closing hours and then still have to prepare reports on the day’s events for the department of foreign affairs in Pretoria before leaving for home. It was during those times that I noticed that ambassador Botha was also still in his office, which was linked to his (official) residence.

One day, toward evening, as I was getting ready to pack up and go home, Pik Botha unexpectedly came into my office. I discovered something that day that repeated itself, times without number, namely that Pik Botha did not care for small talk. Correction: he was incapable of small talk. (See: Pik Botha’s Church). We were still practically strangers to one another but he wasted no time in getting to the issue at hand. From that day on it became a familiar pattern. Only, instead of coming to my office he would summon me to his. His work ethic was legendary and he expected the same of his staff. It must be said though that he did not expect anything from his staff that he would not commit himself to. In all the years I worked for and with Pik Botha, I seldom knew him to leave a job or task unfinished simply because he wanted to go home in the evening. Work and being busy was his Bio-plus.

In his waking hours he was forever busy at the office. This usually entailed writing reports on anything that might remotely affect or be of interest to the government. These reports he would bring to the attention of his political bosses in Pretoria because for such reports to have meaning, they needed political direction and commitment at the very top, at ministerial level in Pretoria. 

For a foreign policy to function effectively, it was paramount that there should be a relationship of trust between ambassador and foreign minister, without any room for wavering inclinations. This was a political truth that Pik had learned in an unusual manner and, although disappointing at the time, the experience would be good preparation or schooling for his own cabinet career later on. 

Two events provided the context. Both were foreign interventions by South Africa which were threatening to engulf the country in major conflicts. South Africa’s support for the Smith government in neigbouring (then) Rhodesia had moved to the top of the agenda bedeviling South Africa’s relations with the US and many of the country’s important trading partners. 

Support from within the ranks of the Vorster government however stymied the international efforts to terminate the backing. Pik had done his homework on the implications for South Africa of a prolonged involvement in the escalating crisis and was clear on what the message to prime minister Vorster should be. Only, who would confront the prime minister with the realities? Pik warned frequently and passionately in cables to the Union Buildings.

In the meantime another foreign policy dilemma was fast turning into a formidable threat to South Africa’s security. South Africa had covertly entered the Angolan conflict on the side of Savimbi’s UNITA forces, clandestinely backed by US arms supplies, against the Soviet/Cuban assisted MPLA. The South African war effort had all the appearance of a proxy for America. 

When the covert alliance was exposed publicly, the US Congress forced the American government through the Clark/Tunney amendment to sever all assistance to UNITA. It left South African forces exposed and vulnerable to Super Power hostility on foreign soil and condemned by the world community. Lives lost and excessively unaffordable demands on the treasury demanded disengagement and withdrawal, a necessity that South Africa’s military leadership resisted. It was only prime minister Vorster who had the political authority to overcome the resistance. Again, someone had to lay out the stark realities. It became evident to Pik that all his previous cautioning in reports to the department of foreign affairs – read foreign minister - had fallen in fallow soil.

A meeting was called by Mr Vorster with some key advisers, including ambassador Pik Botha in Washington. When Pik teamed up with his minister in Pretoria for their journey to Oubos, on the Eastern Cape coast near Port Elizabeth, where Mr Vorster had his holiday home, Dr Muller proved very reluctant to confront Mr Vorster with the uncomfortable truths and it was left to his ambassador in Washington to step into the breach.

Pik was justifiably unhappy with his minister’s feeble response that he was “… too tired” and all that he was “interested in now, was to retire and get (his) pension”. Clearly irritated, Pik seized on the lamentation and respectfully suggested that if nothing was done to pull the troops out of Angola and get the costly interventions off the South African taxpayers’ back, “… there might not be a pension for you, when you retire!”

1976 was also a presidential election year in the US. Gerald Ford, the incumbent, was up against a virtually unknown Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Ford was the beneficiary of former president Nixon’s political melt-down but cerebral clumsiness and the Republican Party’s unpopularity following the Watergate scandal conspired to ensure his political demise. Foreign ambassadors in Washington were customarily invited to attend the four-yearly conventions of the two Parties where the respective candidates for the presidency were formally elected. 

The invitations were part of the American process of openness and transparency and were intended to promote democracy. These occasions afforded the attending ambassadors useful opportunities over three days, not only to meet and interact with many of the influential party officials and congressional and business representatives who were much more accessible at such times, but also to attend policy manifesto review sessions. Many of the new administration’s senior appointments would come from the ranks of the people taking lead roles in these conventions. It was up to each ambassador to make what he could of the opportunities that presented themselves. 

Pik Botha attended the National Democratic Party convention in New York City in 1976 where Jimmy Carter would be elected officially as his Party’s candidate to oppose the incumbent president Ford. Late in the evening after the official opening ceremony I got a call in Washington from the ambassador in New York. He was succinct: “Jy kan maar van môre af die s..t kom oorvat. Ek’t genoeg gehad”. (From tomorrow you can take over the s..t, I’ve had enough). All that socializing around the conference events was not Pik Botha’s scene. And for good reason. He did not have the patience to endure such unstructured, unfocused and protracted meetings.

Pik disliked social functions - the conventional diplomat’s staple - intensely. He loathed the burden that he felt, cocktail functions imposed without substantive reward. His was almost a visceral reaction to such occasions. Something about Mr Botha that had always intrigued me was the incongruity between the self-assuredness of the public speaker cum debater and his unsure footing in small talk situations at social gatherings.

The setting was SABC headquarters in Auckland Park, Johannesburg, where Mr Botha visited the senior management of the Corporation on invitation. It would be a first for him since ministerial oversight for broadcasting affairs had been given to him in the wake of the information scandal. I accompanied Mr Botha and his first reaction as we got out of the car in the basement parking garages, was to notice the large number of expensive German cars belonging to members of the management personnel.


We were received in the parking area by the chairman of the SABC, professor Wynand Mouton, who shepherded Mr Botha to a side room for a brief exchange before escorting him to a reception room where senior personnel would be introduced to the minister. I had meanwhile made my way to the reception area and was in conversation with some SABC representatives in the corner farthest from the entrance door when Pik appeared. For a brief moment he scanned the room, then walked straight past several of the locals and away from his nominal host, prof Mouton. 

At that moment I knew I was witnessing the same phenomenon that I first observed in similar Washington environments. He headed straight for the far end of the room where he had spotted me and joined our conversation. Clearly, this was not a question of his shunning the hosts. Rather, everybody else in the room was a stranger and Pik Botha had sought sanctuary in the familiar. 

Thursday, 9 March 2017

Membership of the Order of Good Hope (Part 3)

                                                                                                                                               
                                                                           
SOUTH AFRICA


The Order of Good Hope

Deon Fourie
Professor in Strategic Studies (Retd)
and Professor Extraordinarius
of the
University of South Africa
Department of Political Sciences
PO Box 392
Pretoria

0003 South Africa

After the institution of the Order in 1973 a wide range of personalities was admitted. The first to be admitted was the Portuguese Foreign Minister, Rui Patricio, followed by members of his entourage, during an official visit to South Africa in March, 1973.  In November, 1977, a circular went to heads of South African diplomatic missions asking for recommendations of deserving foreigners for admission to the various classes, mentioning that the persons should have had at least seven years= association with South Africa.[i]  In the beginning, for the most part the persons recommended were honorary consuls-general and consuls and also businessmen in various countries.  Occasionally lower ranking politicians or people active in the various associations concerned with promoting South African interests were also recommended.  No one's support was recruited in this way – all recommendations and awards were made ex post facto.  The pattern changed only gradually.

In 1980 an amendment to the Warrant allowed the admission of South Africans citizens.[ii]  The outcome was a very restricted list and perhaps that was intended.  The Secretary and Keeper of the Register, Brand Fourie, the Director-General of Foreign Affairs and a diplomat of extensive experience, was recommended for admission to the First Class on the 5 March, 1980.  The Minister of Foreign Affairs, RF Botha was recommended on the very next day by virtue of his office as the Grand Chancellor and Depository of the Order. [iii] In the same month the Minister invited the Secretary to recommend South African officials so as to honour past services and to encourage future work.[iv]  After the kidnapping and presumed murder of the South African Ambassador to El Salvador, Costa Rica and Guatemala, AG ‘Eddie’ Dunn, the Minister requested the State President to admit him to the First Class posthumously.[v] This was somewhat uncommon for orders which are associations of living members.  It confused an order with a decoration which is a personal honour that is capable of being conferred posthumously.  Once more it indicated that in South Africa for want of tradition, experience and research - as elsewhere – orders were not correctly understood.  Evidence of this is continually seen in the way a number of modern republics organise and deal with orders. While the French Légion d'Honneur does have most of the characteristics of a traditional order, countries such as Austria and Germany treat their orders as though they were decorations.[vi]

            Roy Coaton had written that, despite the concept of diplomatic reciprocity, the order should always “strictly maintain its aspect of ... merit”.    In 1977 the Chief of the Defence Force, General MA de M Malan, expressed the same approach in a minute concerning the award of honours to members of foreign armed forces who had ‘rendered services’ to the Defence Force.  Malan wrote “It has been decided that all recommendations for such members of other armed forces should be submitted by way of a citation on Form DD792... .  Recommendations must be extremely selective and with the object of maintaining the dignity of the honour, it stands to reason that only meritorious cases should be submitted. .... mutual relationships of friendship ... should not be regarded as the determining factor.” [vii]  Coaton had drafted the preamble to the Warrant for the OGH with this as a clear qualification.  It was his commendable view that where reciprocity was not at issue, awards of membership of the order should be made sparingly and exceptionally ‘using merit and political advantage as the main yardsticks.’   He did not see any gain from opening the order automatically to all departing ambassadors as it would cost prestige.  Nor did he think that South African ambassadors should themselves be allowed to accept ‘automatic’ awards.  Even reciprocity, he believed, should be influenced by the ‘criterion of merit’.  In a memorandum dated 22 December 1970, the criteria for awards to foreigners and the issue of reciprocity were closely examined.  Coaton concluded that reciprocating automatically, compelled a government to ‘enter into permanent reciprocal commitment with the countries concerned.’   To avoid this debasing of orders he advised that they be used ‘only to return honours rather than to invite honours as the prudent and dignified course.’ [viii] 

The Order of Good Hope was conceived for use as a tool of diplomacy.  This might suggest that it could have been used recklessly.  Did it ultimately serve any significant role as an instrument of diplomacy, particularly in recruiting political support as the National Party government became ever more isolated?  The initial intention was to provide an answer to the problem of how to respond when foreign honours were bestowed on South African politicians, diplomats and officers.  However, when the initiating memorandum and Presidential Warrant were drafted simple reciprocation was not the primary consideration.  The bestowal of honours to recognise merit as well to encourage intergovernmental amity, diplomatic support and a degree of personal loyalty to South Africa were recognised as very important goals.  Minuting discussions and decisions in the British manner is not customary in the South African civil service.  Thus evidence has to be anecdotal.  On balance the Order seems to have played a very small role in recruiting support.  It was too little known to foreigners and, as Coaton intended, it became a means of rewarding ex post facto rather than a means of recruiting support.

During the years of National Party rule the opportunities for close foreign relations and the exchange of honours were slim. State or official visits were not always exchanged and they were restricted to visits to Portugal and Spain in 1956, to Ghana in 1956, from the Netherlands (1953 and 1954), and by the Australian and British Prime Ministers (1953 and 1960).  After Sharpeville and South Africa's becoming a republic outside the Commonwealth, the few visits paid to South Africa were by the King and the Prime Minister of Lesotho, by the Presidents of Paraguay and Malawi, the Vice-President and the Prime Minister of the Republic of China (Taiwan), the Prime Minister of Rhodesia, and senior politicians from Côte d'Ivoire, Zaire and Israel.  Numerous official and unofficial visits were paid by the various South African Prime Ministers and from 1986 by the executive State President but state visits were paid only to Iran (1971), Austria (1971) and Swaziland (1986).[ix]  There were also opportunities for recognising the active help of a variety of civilians who promoted the foreign interests of South Africa or its government in business and trade, in cultural work and in attempting to favourably persuade or influence foreign public opinion and politicians.

Nevertheless, the Department of Foreign Affairs remained very austere in recommending admissions.  No systematic Foreign Service approach to the Order was to be found in the archives.  Individual heads of mission were left to make their own decisions.  Questioning and discussion revealed that the majority of South African diplomats were really quite uninformed about the concept of honours and particularly their potential value as diplomatic instruments in particular.  Two retired ambassadors confessed to never having considered making recommendations at all.[x]  A former ambassador to Germany complained that his repeated requests to be allowed to adopt the French practice of wide distribution to encourage loyalty among those who already had rendered services or promoted culture and interests, were simply refused without explanation.  A third, who for a period administered the Order in the Department of Foreign Affairs, said that if "… we give the Order to one we would have to give it to everybody".

Among those who did recommend awards, apart from official visitors and their entourages, the tendency was for people who were admitted to have already rendered substantial services rather than to look to the future potential support.  The recommendations that were submitted were for very senior politicians, officials, officers and businessmen who had substantially participated in developing industry and trade, to help the South African government endure sanctions, and some who had served as honorary consuls.  The consequence was that admissions were chiefly to the three higher classes.  The SA Defence Force was only slightly less frugal with recommendations for the admission of foreigners to the Order of the Star of South Africa. Even relations with countries pushed close to South Africa by their own isolation, did not appear to justify awards.  South African diplomats often regarded supporters of a pariah state as suspect and questioned the motives of leaders of certain ‘friendship societies’ in the dark days of isolation.  Right-wing politicians and people well-known as racist were usually carefully avoided.  Conversely, when one French attaché was admitted to the OSSA, one of his colleagues in Paris said caustically that it was probably because he was “too South African”.

The absence of sophistication about honours, appear to have stemmed from a variety of reasons.  It may be a consequence of the resolution adopted by Parliament in 1925 (as in Canada in 1919), asking King George V and his successors not to bestow on South Africans honours to which titles were attached.  In the following years, under General JBM Hertzog's Nationalist Party-Labour Party coalition government, recommendations for civilian honours ceased entirely.  The proposer of the 1925 resolution, Arthur Barlow, MP, wrote in his memoirs that two senior Nationalist Party leaders protested to him that the resolution was a "foolish step".  It would cost party funds a hundred thousand Pounds sterling annually that could be obtained from "non-Nationalists dying to get titles".[xi]  Without titles the system of honours lost its savour for local politicians and businessmen.  Barlow wrote that "… the great majority of men of all parties born in South Africa had always disliked titles. They have felt that they came into conflict with the spirit of a new country".  Although honours were routinely made available annually by the Crown, not until the Second World War were recommendations again submitted for British honours for South Africans.[xii]  At the end of the war the Smuts government submitted recommendations for members of the armed forces and a few civilians involved in the development of war industries to be considered for admission to the military Order of the Bath and the Order of the British Empire but in the classes that bore no titles.  In 1945 two prominent politicians asked Barlow whether he would agree to titles being offered to people with distinguished war records, including civilians. He refused curtly.[xiii]  Following the advent to power of the second Nationalist Party Government in 1948, the government again refrained from recommending the award of British honours, although pilots of the South African Air Force's 2nd Fighter Squadron in Korea were allowed to accept and wear American decorations.  By the time the Order of Good Hope was instituted in 1973, it was really only military officers who were familiar with the significance of awarding honours.  After some forty years without a system of civilian honours and with the armed forces' approach ignored, if not scorned, by civil servants, it was really quite difficult for South African diplomats really to comprehend their value.  In contrast, Australia, New Zealand and Canada British honours were regularly used and the institution and use in the twentieth century of the Order of Australia, the Order of Canada and the New Zealand Order of Merit followed quite easily.

Circumstances, politics and changes in values often influence the approach to honours quite radically.  After the change of government in 1994 there were some notable admissions to the Order of Good Hope following the numerous state visits exchanged by heads of state.  They ranged from Queen Elizabeth II, King Juan Carlos I of Spain and President François Mitterand of France, through to Fidel Castro of Cuba and Colonel Mu'ammar Gadhafi of Libya.[xiv]  Although membership of the OGH appeared to be conferred more freely following the change of government in 1994, this did not mark a fundamental change of policy.  The many foreigners admitted to the Order when state visits were exchanged, had rendered help to the African National Congress and its allies during the years they were engaged in the struggle against white rule.  The admissions were thus still attached to merit or recognition for past services.   President Nelson Mandela was particularly concerned that those who had supported the liberation struggle should be recognised during the term of his presidency. With other priorities uppermost in his mind to demonstrate change, he did not rush into having new honours instituted.  In the case of Mu'ammar Gadhafi, his admission virtually coincided with President Nelson Mandela’s negotiations for the surrender of the Lockerbie bombers.  Or could it be argued that his role in the release of the Jolo Hostages was ensured because he had become a member of the Order of Good Hope?[xv]

CONCLUSION     
In sum, Roy Coaton’s recommendation against decorating diplomats as a mere routine appears to have been carefully observed.  Indeed, South African missions and protocol officers at home still continue to be asked to explain the lack of reciprocity since some foreign services seem to regard honours as a right, not as significant recognition.

Reactions to honours are rather subjective.  This always makes it very difficult to determine their real value.   When it comes to awards to foreigners, the question may be even more difficult to answer.  In a country where honours are not considered to be special recognition by the head of state and the nation, they may be of little significance.  When they are conferred by the head of state rarely and only for actions of particular significance, they confer a degree of valued exclusiveness.  South African custom, much like that in Britain, tended to fall in with Roy Coaton’s view that merit should play the most significant role in the bestowal of honours.  There seems to have been was no expectation of honours as rewards from South Africa.  They were so sparingly awarded that they were barely known abroad.  No promises of honours seem to have been made.  To judge from the files they were very seldom solicited.  Rather than playing a role in stimulating support or serving as a bribe or as bait, admissions to the Order were always more of a gesture of recognition for meritorious service already rendered.

            President Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki frequently demonstrates his credentials as a nationalist by using the instrument of culture, including state symbols.  In December 2002 he discontinued the use of the existing orders and instituted the first of a new series.  One, the Order of the Companions of O.R.. Tambo, was for foreigners "for friendship shown to South Africa".[xvi]  It was intended particularly for foreigners who had helped in the struggle to achieve democracy in South Africa, not as a diplomatic instrument, and has been very frugally used.  The Order of Good Hope has yet to be replaced.  In an address to the Advisory Committee of Orders early in 2006, President Mbeki emphasised that honours were not for 'doing one's job' but for extraordinary achievement and performance beyond the call of duty.  Perhaps from the other side, Ambassador Roy Coaton, might be heard grunting his approval.

End Notes






[i] Circular P21/77 dated 17 November, 1977.

[ii] In Minute MB 4/1/1/1 dated 30 October, 1979, the Minister suggested opening the Order to Adeserving South Africans in making particular contributions in advancing South Africa=s interests in relation to foreign countries@. Minute 66 dated 31 January, 1980 and Regulation 25 of 1980 in Government Gazette No.2956 of 15 February, 1980.  However, as this writer found, recommending deserving South Africans was not bureaucratically well received and at least two had to wait for Neil van Heerden to become Director-General of the Department of Foreign Affairs, by which time a different order was available and awarded.  See recommendations and subsequent correspondence on vol.13 (a) of File 113/35/4 (32).

[iii] Cabinet Minute 221 of 5 March and Minute 222 of 6 March, 1980. This is not an unusual practice – the French Prime Minister is admitted to the highest class of the Légion d'Honneur after a year in office. 

[iv] Ministerial minute M.B.4/1/1/1 dated 17 March, 1980.

[v] Cabinet Minute 257 of 2 March, 1981.

[vi] The contemporary German Bundesverdienstorden and the Austrian Ehrenzeichen für Verdienste um die Republik Österreich both are confusions of orders and decorations. Under the Third Reich the Eiserne Kreuz (Iron Cross) became effectively a decoration in spite of its origin and structure as an order.  

[vii] Minute HSP (4) 104/13(B) dated 10 November 1977 from the Chief of the SA Defence Force.


[viii] @Memorandum on Criteria for Award to Foreigners and Reciprocity@, 113/35/4 dated 22 December, 1970.  The rules which forbade diplomatic and consular reciprocity at that time were contained in Government Notice No.2004 of 27 December, 1963.  Few awards had yet been made to South African politicians and officials.  Five diplomats and some military attachés had been decorated without prior approval=s being sought.  Coaton was once decorated with prior approval (by Argentina) and once without (by Spain).  Since 1990, governments have been very liberal in awarding honours to South African diplomats.  In 1992 the departing South African ambassador in Vienna, Cécile Schmidt, was awarded the Grosse Goldene Ehrenzeichen am Bande für Verdienste um die Republik Österreich - probably the first South African woman diplomat to be decorated.  Heritage, University of Natal, 7:1, First Quarter 2000, pp.1-2.

[ix] Geldenhuys, Deon Isolated States – A Comparative Analysis, Jonathan Ball, Johannesburg, 1990, pp. 227-230.

[x] These responses surprised this writer.  Over a number of years he recommended seven soldiers and one civilian in his Reserve Force regiment for honours for meritorious conduct, as well as one prolific military historian, one retired officer well-known for voluntary public service, and four deserving academics for admission to orders.  Only two of the latter recommendations failed.
   
[xi] Barlow, AG Almost in Confidence, Juta, Cape Town, 1952, p.110. Barlow's response to the party leaders was "That makes it all the more necessary that such a state of affairs should be put an end to at once".  In the First World War and after, David Lloyd George's Liberal Party government secretly peddled honours for party funds and the sale of honours in Britain was made illegal by the Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act 1925.  In 2006 the same abuse returned to haunt the Labour Party government of Tony Blair.  A number of people were arrested, including Blair's personal fund raiser, and 90 were questioned by police in connection with alleged offences under the 1925 Act. 

[xii]. Barlow, op. cit., p.200. 

[xiii] Barlow, op.cit. p.202. At the end of the First World War some generals were admitted to the second class of orders, entitling them to the title of 'Sir', but no South African, irrespective of rank, was admitted at a higher level than Commander or Companion (third class) after the Second World War.

[xiv] Minute S16.6.94 113/35/4 contains a request from Deputy-Minister Aziz Pahad to the Chancery of Orders in the President’s Office, for the Grand Cross to be awarded to President François Mitterand during his visit in July, 1994.
[xv] Speech by Director General, Department of Foreign Affairs to the Johannesburg Press Club Newsmakers Banquet, 30 November 2000, on the release of South Africans by the Abu Sayyaf Filipino separatist movement, after negotiations by Gadhafi .

[xvi] The Order of the Companions of OR Tambo is awarded to foreign nationals for "friendship shown to South Africa" in three classes - Supreme Companions of OR Tambo (Gold), Grand Companions of OR Tambo (Silver), and Companions of OR Tambo (Bronze). For the new orders (the Orders of Mapungubwe, Baobab and Companions of OR Tambo, and the Orders of Luthuli, Ikamanga and Mendi) see Government Gazettes No.24155 of 6 December 2002, No.25799 of 2 December 2003, and No.26929 of 25 October 2004.   

CV

Professor of Strategic Studies at the University of South Africa until 1998, Deon Fourie is now a Professor Extraordinarius.  During the 1993 constitutional negotiations, he was advisor to the Joint Military Command Council and a member of the joint delegation to European armed forces to study Innere Führung, defence policy-making, and defence ministries. He serves on the Defence Minister's Civic Education Board, and the National Heraldry Council. Drafted Presidential Warrants for new decorations adopted for the SA National Defence Force in 2003, and was a member of the team that published The History of the Department of Foreign Affairs, 2006.  He is a Reserve Force Brigadier General at SA Army Headquarters